“Give me Liberty, or Give me Death” PromptTHE WHOLE PROMPT:Write a 4-paragraph essay about the main theme of Patrick Henry’s “Give MeLiberty, or Give Me Death” speech: that sometimes it is necessary to fight forone’s rights. Analyze this theme in Henry’s essay and provide evidence thatHenry finds it necessary to fight. Include the reasons why the colonists must fightfor their rights. Write 2 chunks in each bp. Minimum of 2 quote per bp.SIMPLIFIED PROMPT WITH ADDITIONAL QUESTIONSProve that Henry believes that sometimes it is necessary to fight for one’s rights.What does he encourage the colonists to do? Why does he believe they need to dothis? What is the underlying problem with the British? What will they gain?START WITH A SIMPLE OUTLINEThesisTS Main point of bp 1CL Sub point 1 of bp 1CL Sub point 2 of bp 1TS Main point of bp 2 (shouldn’t overlap with bp 1)CL Sub point 1 of bp 2CL Sub point 2 of bp 2SAMPLE OF OUTLINEWHAT DOES JOHN PROCTOR DO TO FIX HIS LIFE?Thesis Proctor spends tons of effort on fixing his lifeTS Main point of bp 1 attempts to put Abigail in her placeCL Sub point 1 of bp 1 rejects her continued advancesCL Sub point 2 of bp 1 threatens herTS Main point of bp 2 tries to convince the court of his and other accused’s integrityCL Sub point 1 of bp 2 brings in signatures andCL Sub point 2 of bp 2 admits to his sin of adultery

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St. John’s Church, Richmond, Virginia
March 23, 1775.
MR. PRESIDENT: No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism,
as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just
addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in
different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful
to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do, opinions of a character very
opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely, and without
reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is
one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as
nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to
the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is
only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great
responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back
my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence, I should
consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of
disloyalty toward the majesty of heaven, which I revere above all earthly
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We
are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of
that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men,
engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to
be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears,
hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For
my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the
whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of
experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past.
And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the
conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those
hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves, and
the House? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been
lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer
not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this
gracious reception of our petition comports with these war-like
preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and
armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown
ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must be called in to win
back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the
implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings
resort. I ask, gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose
be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other
possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the
world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she
has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They
are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British
ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to
them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last
ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We
have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has
been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication?
What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us
not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything
that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have
petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have
prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its
interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and
Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have
produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been
disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of
the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of
peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish
to be free² if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges
for which we have been so long contending²if we mean not basely to
abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and
which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious
object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we
must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an
adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the
next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British
guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by
irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual
resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive
phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot?
Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the
God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed
in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we
possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against
us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God
who presides over the destinies of nations; and who will raise up friends
to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is
to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If
we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the
contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are
forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is
inevitable²and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace,
Peace²but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale
that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding
arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle?
What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or
peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery?
Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as
for me, give me liberty or give me death!

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