(In what ways did the social conditions and legal discrimination of the Jim Crow era deny African Americans democratic rights and freedoms? Explain the various ways in which Black people were denied social and political equality under Jim Crow. What role did lynching play in maintaining Jim Crow?) I need this paper by Wed night around 5 pm, it has to be roughly 3 pages, 1 inch margins, time new roman and 12 point font. It has to use at least 2 assigned readings, which I have attached down below labeled as ” lynching in America” and ” I know why poor whites chant trump”Within these 2 assigned readings, I would like short quotations or in text citations to be used from the readings, I’m hoping at least 3 please!. Thank you very much in advance!



Unformatted Attachment Preview

Race, Class, Crime and Justice (CRJU 358)
Fall 2018 – Dr. King
Take Home Essays (Final)
Due by December 20th (by 4 p.m. to my office in Maxwell 311 E)
Choose 2 essays from the choices below.
Each essay should be roughly 3 pages 6-7 pages total).
Typed, double-spaced, 1-inch margins (12 point font).
Please note which question you are answering at the beginning of each essay.
For each essay: you should address all parts of the question in full detail, drawing directly (short quotations) or
indirectly (in text citations) from at least 2 of the assigned readings.
Essay options. Choose 2 out of the 5 options:
1) In what ways did the social conditions and legal discrimination of the Jim Crow era deny African Americans
democratic rights and freedoms? Explain the various ways in which Black people were denied social and
political equality under Jim Crow. What role did lynching play in maintaining Jim Crow?
2) The Civil Rights Movement persisted after the passing of the Civil Rights Act (1964) & Voting Rights Act
(1965) due to continued segregation and discrimination. How did the Civil Rights Movement seek to change
these longstanding patterns of systematic racial discrimination? How and why did the FBI respond the way it
3) Describe both the economic and political crises of the 1960s and how it reshaped urban America and the
Criminal Justice system (as discussed by Wacquant). Describe the effects of economic decline and
neoliberalism on urban areas starting in the 1970s.
4) How did economic decline in the 70s and 80s relate to the growth of gangs? How did the war on drugs
militarize both gangs and police in the 1980s (Bastards of the Party; Davis)? In what ways did anti-gang
policing feature “collective punishment” in areas such as South Central Los Angeles (Davis)?
5) From the Ioanide reading, how did Abner Louima’s status as a Haitian immigrant shape the act of brutality
against him? How and why did zero-tolerance policing increase tensions between working class communities
of color and the police? What connection does Ioanide draw between zero tolerance policing practices and
Abner Louima’s case?
Lynching in America:
Confronting the Legacy
of Racial Terror
Second Edition
Equal Justice Initiative
Men and boys pose beneath the body of Lige Daniels shortly after he was lynched on August 3, 1920, in Center, Texas.
From the Civil War until World War II, millions of African Americans were
terrorized and traumatized by the lynching of thousands of black men,
women, and children. This report documents this history and contends that
America’s legacy of racial terror must be more fully addressed if racial justice
is to be achieved.
Lynching in America:
Confronting the Legacy
of Racial Terror
Second Edition
Equal Justice Initiative
122 Commerce Street
Montgomery, Alabama 36104
© 2015 by Equal Justice Initiative. All rights reserved. This is a summary only; quoted material is cited in
the full-length report. For a copy of the full-length report, please e-mail EJI at contact_us@eji.org or call
334.269.1803. No part of this publication may be reproduced, modified, or distributed in any form or by
any electronic or mechanical means without express prior written permission of Equal Justice Initiative (EJI).
EJI is a nonprofit law organization with offices in Montgomery, Alabama.
Opposite: James Allen, ed., et al., Without Sanctuary: Lynching Photography in America (Santa Fe, NM: Twin Palms Publishers, 2000), 117-118. On the cover: 10,000 people gathered to watch the lynching of Henry Smith in Paris, Texas, on
February 1, 1893. (© CORBIS.)
ithout memory, our existence
would be barren and opaque, like
a prison cell into which no light
penetrates; like a tomb which rejects the
living . . . [I]f anything can, it is memory
that will save humanity. For me, hope
without memory is like memory without
– Elie Wiesel
During the period between the Civil War and World War II, thousands of African Americans were lynched in the United States. Lynchings were violent and public acts of torture
that traumatized black people throughout the country and were largely tolerated by state
and federal officials. These lynchings were terrorism. “Terror lynchings” peaked between
1880 and 1940 and claimed the lives of African American men, women, and children who
were forced to endure the fear, humiliation, and barbarity of this widespread phenomenon
Lynching profoundly impacted race relations in this country and shaped the geographic,
political, social, and economic conditions of African Americans in ways that are still evident
today. Terror lynchings fueled the mass migration of millions of black people from the South
into urban ghettos in the North and West throughout the first half of the twentieth century.
Lynching created a fearful environment where racial subordination and segregation was maintained with limited resistance for decades. Most critically, lynching reinforced a legacy of
racial inequality that has never been adequately addressed in America. The administration
of criminal justice in particular is tangled with the history of lynching in profound and important ways that continue to contaminate the integrity and fairness of the justice system.
This report begins a necessary conversation to confront the injustice, inequality, anguish,
and suffering that racial terror and violence created. The history of terror lynching complicates contemporary issues of race, punishment, crime, and justice. Mass incarceration, excessive penal punishment, disproportionate sentencing of racial minorities, and police abuse
of people of color reveal problems in American society that were framed in the terror era.
The narrative of racial difference that lynching dramatized continues to haunt us. Avoiding
honest conversation about this history has undermined our ability to build a nation where
racial justice can be achieved.
The Context for this Report
In America, there is a legacy of racial inequality shaped by the enslavement of millions
of black people. The era of slavery was followed by decades of terrorism and racial subordination most dramatically evidenced by lynching. The civil rights movement of the 1950s and
1960s challenged the legality of many of the most racist practices and structures that sustained racial subordination but the movement was not followed by a continued commitment
to truth and reconciliation. Consequently, this legacy of racial inequality has persisted, leaving
us vulnerable to a range of problems that continue to reveal racial disparities and injustice.
EJI believes it is essential that we begin to discuss our history of racial injustice more soberly
and to understand the implications of our past in addressing the challenges of the present.
Lynching in America is the second in a series of reports that examines the trajectory
of American history from slavery to mass incarceration. In 2013, EJI published Slavery in
America, which documents the slavery era and its continuing legacy, and erected three
public markers in Montgomery, Alabama, to change the visual landscape of a city and state
that has romanticized the mid-nineteenth century and ignored the devastation and horror
created by racialized slavery and the slave trade.
Over the past four years, EJI staff have spent thousands of hours researching and documenting terror lynchings in the twelve most active lynching states in America: Alabama,
Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia. We distinguish “racial terror lynchings”—the subject
of this report—from hangings and mob violence that followed some criminal trial process
or that were committed against non-minorities without the threat of terror. Those lynchings were a crude form of punishment that did not have the features of “terror lynchings”
directed at racial minorities who were being threatened and menaced in multiple ways.
We also distinguish “terror lynchings” from racial violence and hate crimes that were
prosecuted as criminal acts. Although criminal prosecution for hate crimes was rare during
the period we examine, such prosecutions ameliorated those acts of violence and racial
animus. The lynchings we document were acts of terrorism because these murders were
carried out with impunity, sometimes in broad daylight, often “on the courthouse lawn.”
These lynchings were not “frontier justice,” because they generally took place in communities where there was a functioning criminal justice system that was deemed too good
for African Americans. Terror lynchings were horrific acts of violence whose perpetrators
were never held accountable. Indeed, some “public spectacle lynchings” were attended
by the entire white community and conducted as celebratory acts of racial control and
Key Findings of this Report
First, racial terror lynching was much more prevalent than previously reported. EJI researchers have documented several hundred more lynchings than the number identified
in the most comprehensive work done on lynching to date. The extraordinary work of
E.M. Beck and Stewart E. Tolnay provided an invaluable resource, as did the research collected at Tuskegee University in Tuskegee, Alabama. These sources are widely viewed as
the most comprehensive collection of research data on the subject of lynching in America.
EJI conducted extensive analysis of these data as well as supplemental research and investigation of lynchings in each of the subject states. We reviewed local newspapers, historical
archives, and court records; conducted interviews with local historians, survivors, and victims’ descendants; and exhaustively examined contemporaneously published reports in
African American newspapers. EJI has documented 4075 racial terror lynchings in twelve
Southern states between the end of Reconstruction in 1877 and 1950, which is at least
800 more lynchings in these states than previously reported.
Second, some states and counties were particularly terrifying places for African Americans and had dramatically higher rates of lynching than other states and counties we reviewed. Mississippi, Florida, Arkansas, and Louisiana had the highest statewide rates of
lynching in the United States. Mississippi, Georgia, and Louisiana had the highest number
of lynchings. Hernando, Lafayette, Taylor, and Citrus counties in Florida; Early and Oconee
counties in Georgia; Fulton County, Kentucky; and Moore County, Tennessee had the highest rates of terror lynchings in America. Phillips County, Arkansas; Lafourche and Tensas
parishes in Louisiana; and New Hanover County, North Carolina, were sites of mass killings
of African Americans in single-incident violence that mark them as notorious places in the
history of racial terror violence. The largest numbers of lynchings were found in Jefferson
County, Alabama; Orange, Columbia, and Polk counties in Florida; Fulton and Early counties in Georgia; Caddo, Ouachita, Bossier, Iberia, and Tangipahoa parishes in Louisiana;
Hinds, Leflore, Kemper, and Yazoo counties in Mississippi; Anderson County, Texas; and
Shelby County, Tennessee.
Third, our research confirms that many victims of terror lynchings were murdered without being accused of any crime; they were killed for minor social transgressions or for demanding basic rights and fair treatment. Racial terror lynching was a tool used to enforce
Jim Crow laws and racial segregation—a tactic for maintaining racial control by victimizing
the entire African American community, not merely punishment of an alleged perpetrator for a crime.
Fourth, our conversations with survivors of lynchings show that terror lynching played
a key role in the forced migration of millions of black Americans out of the South. Thousands of people fled to the North and West out of fear of being lynched. Parents and
spouses sent away loved ones who suddenly found themselves at risk of being lynched
for a minor social transgression; they characterized these frantic, desperate escapes as
surviving “near-lynchings.”
Fifth, in all of the subject states, we observed that there is an astonishing absence of
any effort to acknowledge, discuss, or address lynching. Many of the communities where
lynchings took place have gone to great lengths to erect markers and monuments that memorialize the Civil War, the Confederacy, and historical events during which local power
was violently reclaimed by white Southerners. These communities celebrate and honor
the architects of racial subordination and political leaders known for their belief in white
supremacy. There are very few monuments or memorials that address the history and
legacy of lynching in particular or the struggle for racial equality more generally. Most
communities do not actively or visibly recognize how their race relations were shaped by
terror lynching.
Sixth, we found that most terror lynchings can best be understood as having the features of one or more of the following: (1) lynchings that resulted from a wildly distorted
fear of interracial sex; (2) lynchings in response to casual social transgressions; (3) lynchings based on allegations of serious violent crime; (4) public spectacle lynchings; (5)
lynchings that escalated into large-scale violence targeting the entire African American
community; and (6) lynchings of sharecroppers, ministers, and community leaders who
resisted mistreatment, which were most common between 1915 and 1940.
Seventh, the decline of lynching in the studied states relied heavily on the increased
use of capital punishment imposed by court order following an often accelerated trial.
That the death penalty’s roots are sunk deep in the legacy of lynching is evidenced by the
fact that public executions to mollify the mob continued after the practice was legally
Finally, the Equal Justice Initiative believes that our nation must fully address our history of racial terror and the legacy of racial inequality it has created. This report explores
the power of “truth and reconciliation” or transitional justice to address oppressive histories by urging communities to honestly and soberly recognize the pain of the past. As has
been powerfully detailed in Sherrilyn A. Ifill’s extraordinary work on lynching, On the Courthouse Lawn, there is an urgent need to challenge the absence of recognition in the public
space on the subject of lynching. Only when we concretize the experience through discourse, memorials, monuments, and other acts of reconciliation can we overcome the
shadows cast by these grievous events. We hope you will join our effort to help towns,
cities, and states confront and recover from tragic histories of racial violence and terrorism
and to improve the health of our communities by creating an environment where there
can truly be equal justice for all.
Second Slavery After the Civil War
At the end of the Civil War, the nation did nothing to address the narrative of racial difference that is the most enduring evil of American slavery. Involuntary servitude was horrific for enslaved people, but the ideology of white supremacy was in many ways a more
severe barrier to freedom and equality. White Southern identity was grounded in a belief
that whites are inherently superior to African Americans. Following the war, whites reacted
violently to the notion that they would now have to treat their former human property as
equals and pay for their labor. Plantation owners attacked black people simply for claiming
their freedom. In May 1866, in Memphis, Tennessee, forty-six African Americans were
killed; ninety-one houses, four churches, and twelve schools were burned to the ground;
at least five women were raped; and many black people fled the city permanently.
In his 1867 annual message to Congress, President Andrew Johnson declared that black
Americans had “less capacity for government than any other race of people,” that they
would “relapse into barbarism” if left to their own devices, and that giving them the vote
would result in “a tyranny such as this continent has never yet witnessed.” Instead of facilitating black land ownership, President Johnson (a Unionist former slaveholder from Tennessee) advocated a new practice that soon replaced slavery as a primary source of
Southern agricultural labor: sharecropping.
Formerly enslaved people were beaten and murdered for asserting they were free after the Civil War. Without federal
troops, freed black men and women remained subject to violence and intimidation for any act or gesture that showed
independence or freedom. (Library of Congress.)
Officials struggled to control increasingly violent and lawless groups of white supremacists in their states. Beginning as disparate “social clubs” of former Confederate soldiers,
these groups morphed into large paramilitary organizations that drew thousands of members from all sectors of white society. As historian Eric Foner explained, the “wave of counterrevolutionary terror that swept over large parts of the South between 1868 and 1871
lacks a counterpart . . . in the American experience.” While white mobs attacked black voters, the United States Supreme Court began an assault on the legal architecture of Reconstruction. Prior to 1865, the Court had only twice struck down congressional acts as
unconstitutional; between 1865 and 1872, the Court did so twelve times. A proposal in
Congress to discipline Georgia for the violence and corruption surrounding its 1870 election
was defeated by a five-day filibuster, and Northern support for federal intervention on behalf of black people living in the South diminished considerably.
Undermined by the United States Supreme Court and a Congress that retreated from
protecting recently emancipated African Americans, Reconstruction collapsed. As one
black man from Louisiana stated, “The whole South—every state in the South—had got
into the hands of the very men that held us as slaves.” For millions of black men, women,
and children, a new violent and tragic era in America had begun. As Mississippi Governor
Adelbert Ames predicted, “They are to be returned to a condition of serfdom. An era of
second slavery.”
The Politics That Created Terrorism
When Alabama rewrote its constitution in 1901, John B. Knox, president of the constitutional convention, opened the proceedings with a statement of purpose: “Why it is
within the limits imposed by the Federal Constitution, to establish white supremacy in this
state.” The South created a system of state and local laws and practices that constituted
a pervasive and deep-rooted racial caste system. The era of “second slavery” had officially
begun. Relying on language in the Thirteenth Amendment that prohibits slavery and involuntary servitude “except as punishment for crime,” lawmakers empowered white-controlled governments to extract black labor in private lease contracts or on state-owned
By 1890, the term “Jim
Crow” was used to describe
the “subordination and
separation of black people
in the South, much of it
codified and much of it still
enforced by custom, habit,
and violence.” Racial segregation often meant the
total exclusion of black
people from public facilities, institutions, and opportunities.
Over the
century that this racial
caste system reigned, perceived violations of the
racial order were met with
brutal violence targeted at
lynching was the weapon
of choice. Southern lynching took on a racialized
character, and a brutal era
of racial terror was born.
(Thomas Nast/Harper’s Weekly, Sept. 5, 1868)
Lynching in America
By the end of the nineteenth century, Southern lynching had become a tool of racial
control that terrorized and targeted African Ame …
Purchase answer to see full