kindly note very keenlyChoose the first topic> Race and Wartime japanfollow all the instruction in the document below keenlyThe paper should be max 1500 words and mini 1450 words excluding the works cited page(references)make sure the paper is plagiarism freeno grammar typos make sure you cite the two books that i have attached below using the correct formatuse MLA style and formart correctly
essay_2__1_.pdf

lamarre_speciesism_pt_1__1_.pdf

morris_suzuki_race__1_.pdf

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EAST 212 INTRODUCTION TO JAPANESE CULTURE
ESSAY 2 GUIDELINES
Please write on one of the following topics.
Topic 1: Race and Wartime Japan
Discuss how race in wartime Japan presented a tricky combination of assimilatory and
exclusionary gestures, with reference to Tessa Morris-Suzuki’s account of wartime
theories of race and Thomas Lamarre’s account of portrayals of colonized peoples in
wartime animation. Both writers show how, as Japan tried to overcome Western modes
of racism, it strove to emphasize the “universalizing” and “civilizing” force of race
(and/or species).
Topic 2: War Memory and Okinawa
Discuss Ōshiro Tatsuhiro’s 1967 novella The Cocktail Party in the broader context of the
history of relations between Japan, China, Okinawa, and the United States. In addition
to the narrator’s presentation of the vested interests implied in different historical
narratives about Okinawa, you might consider the sharp divide between the ‘Prelude’
and the ‘Aftermath.’ You might also consider how have the daily realities of and legal
responses to military rape affected political activism in Okinawa.
Topic 3: War Memory and Comfort Women
Chunghee Sarah Soh writes, “The published stories of individual survivors show that
the complex issues involved in the Korean comfort women tragedy cannot be reduced
simplistically to a war crime or blamed solely on the forcible draft of Korean women by
the Japanese government or military.” Discuss how Soh turns to “gendered structural
violence” to supplement narratives that reduce this tragedy to war crime.
Topic 4: Structural Violence and Youth Cultures
Consider how discourses about Japanese youth have perpetuated a kind of structural
violence whereby socioeconomic problems (associated with the demise of Japan, Inc. or
the kaisha system) are addressed primarily as moral or psychological problems. How
does education become one of the prime sites of critical attention? How does actual
youth culture (such as anime and manga) allow us to see the situation from the other
side and make us more aware of this structural and discursive violence? Among the
cultural objects you might consider are the film Bounce Ko Gal, or anime such as Hell
Girl, Welcome to N.H.K, and Love, Chūnibyō and Other Delusions.
Topic 5: Political Economy of Nuclear Energy
While there has been opposition to nuclear energy in Japan from the early 1950s, the
meltdown of Fukushima reactor generated massive public opposition to nuclear energy,
focusing new attention on various aspects of its political economy. The pro-nuclear
contingent in Japan, which has consistently exaggerated the virtues and downplayed
the drawbacks of nuclear energy, is now faced with a series of objections and challenges
to the image of nuclear energy as clean, safe, and cheap. What sorts of criticisms of the
pro-nuclear position have arisen? What kind of political economy is associated with
nuclear energy?
EAST 212 INTRODUCTION TO JAPANESE CULTURE
ESSAY 2 GUIDELINES
SUBMISSION: Please submit a hard copy of your paper at room 274 of 688 Sherbrooke
on Tuesday, December 11, 2018. Someone will be in room 274 between 9 am and 4 pm.
LENGTH:
Essays are to be no more than 1,500 words in length. We will tolerate only slight
variation from this ideal; papers that are significantly longer (or shorter) will not be well
received.
CITATION:
All papers must be typed and doubled spaced; and submitted in hard copy. You may
use either MLA format or Chicago style; guidelines are available from the McGill
library “how to cite” webpage: http://www.mcgill.ca/library-assistance/howto/citing/
Taking summaries or interpretations from the net or other sources without
acknowledgement constitutes plagiarism, which is ground for failure and possibly
suspension.
GRADER GROUPS:
Group 1: Alberton – Dueker. (SABRINA)
Group 2: Enrile – Liu, Francis (MELI)
Group 3: Liu, Robert – Sanscartier (MATHEW)
Group 4: Santos-Hufana – Zhu (TOM)
CONTACT INFORMATION:
Sabrina Greene (688 Sherbrooke 261): Wednesday 10-11:30;
sabrina.greene@mail.mcgill.ca
Meli Taylor (688 Sherbrooke 261): Tuesday 2:00-3:30;
leslie.taylor@mail.mcgill.ca
Mathew Beauchemin (688 Sherbrooke 261): Tuesday 10-11 :30;
jean.m.beauchemin@mail.mcgill.ca
Thomas Lamarre (688 Sherbrooke 274): Wednesday 10:30-1:30;
thomas.lamarre@mcgill.ca
EVALUATION:
Your response will be evaluated out of 50 points.
Argument or thesis (10 pts)
Presentation and organization (10 pts)
Use of the evidence: how you use evidence in support of your argument (10 pts)
Use of course materials generally (10 pts)
Originality (10 pts)
Two points will be deducted for each day the paper is late.
Speciesism, Part I:
Translating Races into Animals
in Wartime Animation
To scores of millions of participants, John Dower reminds us, World War II
was a race war.¹ Among the many patterns of racial prejudice explored in his
book War without Mercy, Dower discusses how the American media depicted
the Japanese as animals: “A characteristic feature of this level of anti-Japanese
sentiment was the resort to nonhuman or subhuman representation, in
which the Japanese were perceived as animals, reptiles, or insects (monkeys,
baboons, gorillas, dogs, mice and rats, vipers and rattlesnakes, cockroaches,
vermin, or more indirectly, ‘the Japanese herd’ and the like).” ² And yet, “without question . . . the most common caricature of the Japanese by Westerners,
writers and cartoonists alike, was the monkey or ape.” ³
In the American animalization or bestialization of the Japanese enemy,
Dower detects a general strategy of dehumanization. Behind this strategy
is the idea that to depict someone as an animal is to strip away their very
humanness, their humanity. In effect, both human animals and nonhuman
animals are degraded through these dehumanizing, bestializing depictions.
The racial imaginary, however, is not limited to the application of negative
animal qualities to humans (bestialization). Friendly or positive animal images may imply strategies of racialization, too. For instance, when Dower
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considers the American postwar transformation of the image of the Japanese from a horrifying ape or gorilla into a friendly pet chimp, he remarks,
“that vicious racial stereotypes were transformed, however, does not mean
that they were dispelled.” ⁴ In other words, although he does not speak to it as
such, Dower points to the persistence of this racial consciousness and racial
typology whenever human animals are depicted as nonhuman animals.⁵ This
is what I call “speciesism.”
Speciesism is a displacement of race and racism (relations between humans as imagined in racial terms) onto relations between humans and animals. The term speciesism was coined and is
often used to indicate discrimination against
Japanese war media, in
nonhuman animals.⁶ On the one hand, specontrast to the American,
ciesism is a matter of blatant discrimination
did not tend to bestialize
against animals, which comes of attributing
the American enemy.
“bestial,” that is, negative characteristics
to nonhuman animals and extending these
negative attributes to humans. On the other hand, speciesism entails the displacement of problems associated with race relations onto species relations,
and vice versa.⁷ Speciesism thus comprises violence to nonhuman animals
and to those designated as racial others. In this essay, it is the latter inflection
of speciesism that concerns me primarily, the translation of racial differences
into animal differences, in the context of Japanese animation. Moreover, the
prevalence of speciesism in prewar and postwar Japanese animation implies
important continuity between the prewar and postwar racial imaginary. My
intent is not to declare a simple continuity between prewar and postwar Japanese thinking about race. Not only are there different inflections of speciesism in wartime animation, but also postwar animation responds to wartime
speciesism in a variety of ways: unwitting replication, celebration, fascination, ambivalence, disavowal. There are unthinking responses and critical responses.
Japanese wartime speciesism presents a contrast with American wartime speciesism. Dower reminds us that Japanese war media, in contrast to
the American, did not tend to bestialize the American enemy. Dower is quick
to remind us that this does not mean that Japanese propaganda was not
dehumanizing: “No side had a monopoly on attributing ‘beastliness’ to the
other, although the Westerners possessed a more intricate web of metaphors
with which to convey this.” ⁸ Dower stresses how Japanese tended to depict
the American enemy as failed humans, as demons, ogres, or fiends. Crucial to
his assessment is the representation of English and American enemies in Seo
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Mitsuyo’s 1945 animated film Momotarō: Umi no shinpei (Momotarō’s divine
army).⁹ In this film, Japan’s English-speaking enemies appear in human form
but with horns on their head, reflecting their degraded and demonic stature,
and suggesting that Japan’s spiritual youthful purity and vigor, embodied in
Momotarō, will dispel them (Figure 1).
In such not-entirely-dehumanizing depictions, Dower sees “symbolic ruptures” that “helped prepare the ground for discarding the antipodal stereotypes of pure Self and incorrigibly evil Other once Japan had acknowledged
its defeat.” ¹⁰ In effect, Dower detects a potential humanization or humanism
encrypted within Japanese depictions of the American enemy. Oddly, however, in light of his remarks about how postwar American transformation of
the vile simian into the cute pet chimp still constituted racism, Dower never
considers the relation between humanization of the enemy (humanism) and
racialization (racism).¹¹ Yet in his examples humanizing strategies and racializing procedures are intertwined.
figure 1. The English commander, sporting a horn on his head, nervously addresses Momotarō
(flanked by his companion animals) in English to the effect that “you’re placing us in a difficult
situation,” which is translated into Japanese in the accompanying title.
s p e ci e s i s m , pa rt o n e # 7 7
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What is more, Dower passes over Japanese depictions of the empire’s
colonized peoples and non-Western enemies, which gives the impression
that Japanese war media did not engage in speciesism. In animated films,
however, Japan’s wartime speciesism is impossible to ignore. In Momotarō:
Umi no shinpei, for instance, as in the other prewar Momotarō animated films,
colonial peoples appear as animals, as indigenous animals. They appear as
cute and friendly animals that fairly cry out for nurture. What is more, in
Momotarō: Umi no shinpei native critters happily lend their strengths and
abilities to the construction of a Japanese airstrip and military enclave. The
cuteness of local animals meshes nicely with their status as a readily available
and willing source of labor. This is a kind of speciesism unlike the American
bestialization of the enemy. It hints at a different imaginary at work in the
translation of racial problems into human–animal relations.
This difference comes partly of Japan’s conscious evocation of, and resistance to, American racism. As is well known (but infrequently addressed in
discussions of Japanese cultural production), the Japanese war was couched
as one of racial liberation, emancipating “Asians” or “people of color” from
“white demons” or Western imperialists. As Dower points out, the Japanese
media consistently expressed indignation over how Westerners looked on
colored people in general as simply “races who should serve them like domestic animals.” ¹² Yet Japanese wartime media do not eschew speciesism.
Although Japanese animated films do not bestialize the enemy or the colonized in order to dehumanize them, the depiction of colonized peoples as
cute, friendly, and accommodating native critters is hardly innocent. The
Japanese imaginary is one of “companion species” rather than one of wild
animals to be hunted and exterminated or one of domestic animals to be
exploited. The imaginary of companion species is related to a specific geopolitical imaginary.¹³
Significantly, as Dower’s remarks about America’s postwar transformation of the ugly simian into the cute pet (“to the victors, the simian became
a pet, the child a pupil, the madman a patient”)¹⁴ suggest, Japanese wartime
speciesism not only shows signs of overlap and intersection with the geopolitical imaginary of American speciesism but also seems to anticipate American postwar speciesism in which the defeated quasi-colonial other is transformed into a companion species: the ape or gorilla becomes a pet chimp. To
make a long argument exceedingly short, it is my opinion that Japanese wartime speciesism anticipates or intersects with American postwar speciesism,
because of an overlap in their geopolitical concerns.¹⁵ Both wartime Japan
and postwar America tried to imagine multinational or multiethnic empire,
78 # thoma s l amarre
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for historical and
which entails an effort to imagine the productive
material reasons,
coexistence of different communities that are freanimation has come
quently typed as races, racial communities, racial
to provide a prime
ethnicities, or national races. Within the framework
site for speciesism.
of multiethnic empire, speciesism—translating race
relations into species relations—not only promises
a way of working through racism but also entertains hopes of moving beyond racism altogether. It is here, in Japanese wartime animation, that the
problem that Dower seems intent on avoiding—that of the relation between
racism and humanism in the context of multiethnic empire—becomes impossible to overlook.
The central hypothesis of this essay is that, for historical and material
reasons, animation has come to provide a prime site for speciesism. Although
in this paper I pay less attention to the dynamics of manga than those of
animation, I think that the commonalities between certain lineages of manga
and animation will become obvious in the overall discussion of speciesism. In
part one of this essay, I will present some general reflections on animation’s
love affair with animals in order to set the stage for a discussion of speciesism
in Japanese animation. Subsequently, as a first step toward delineating some
of the range of speciesism in Japanese animation, I will briefly consider how
speciesism overlaps with, yet differs from, racism. Particularly important in
part one are the animated films based on the manga character Norakuro, or
“Stray Black,” a series of films in which the Japanese dog regiment does battle
with a range of animal enemies. In part two, I will continue the discussion
of wartime animation looking at the depictions of colonial peoples in the
Momotarō films and will conclude with an analysis of the legacy of wartime
speciesism in the works of Tezuka Osamu.¹⁶
Animation loves animals. In fact, animals are such a staple of animated films
that it is hard to think about animation without thinking of scenes of nonhuman animals frolicking, dancing, leaping, and of course, being bent, crushed,
and stretched. There is a sort of “kinetophilia” associated with animated animals, a sheer delight in movement, as well as a fascination with plasticity and
elasticity, which Eisenstein called “plasmaticness” and I will call plasmaticity.¹⁷ The deformation and reformation of characters—stretching, bending,
flattening, inflating, shattering—becomes a source of pleasure in itself and,
s p e ci e s i s m , pa rt o n e # 7 9
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as Eisenstein notes, implies an ability of an animated form to attach itself to
any life form.
As Ōtsuka Eiji notes in his essay in this volume, the elasticity associated
with animated characters imparts a sense of their invulnerability and even
immortality: they appear resilient and resistant to injury and death. As such, plasmaticity
the plasmaticity of
implies another register of deathlessness—the
characters in animation
transformative ability of animated characters
seems to encourage all
to adopt the qualities and shapes of a range of
manner of cruel and
life forms (other species) and of developmental
violent deformations
moments (phases and stages). In this respect,
of the body form.
the sensibility of animation vis-à-vis animals
differs profoundly from that of cinema.
In his chapter on the history of cinema and cruelty to animals in Animals
in Film, Jonathan Burt notes how cinematic images of animals have historically received a great deal of attention from animal advocates, to the point
where film viewers have become more sanguine about violence to humans in
cinema than they are about cruelty to animals. He concludes that the “split
within the animal image—the artificial image that can never quite be read as
artificial—is one that ruptures all readings of it.” ¹⁸ Yet, even though the split
in the cinematic animal image ultimately ruptures readings of it, Burt reminds us that such ruptures happen along specific lines: an underlying sense
of the reality of the cinematic image has contributed to a set of conventions
and expectations for the humane treatment of animals depicted in film.
Animation, in contrast, implies a different sense of the reality of the image, and the “animetic” treatment of the animal image need not eschew violence and cruelty. In fact, the plasmaticity of characters in animation seems to
encourage all manner of cruel and violent deformations of the body form—
as if taking slapstick gags to their limit, as is common in Looney Tunes, Ub
Iwerks’s Mickey Mouse, and vintage Tom and Jerry (lampooned so well in
“Itchy and Scratchy” in The Simpsons). As Ōtsuka Eiji notes, American silent
comedy had a powerful influence on animation, and Japanese animation also
has its lineages of slapstick humor and violence in animation, which enable
equally parodic excess in more recent edgy fare such as Excel Saga (1999–2000,
Ekuseru Saaga), Tamala 2010 (2004), or Panda Z (2004, Pandaa zetto: The Robonimation). Yet it is not necessary to take the capacity for bodily deformation to its limit in violence for the plasmaticity of animation to exert its hold
on us. Even when bodily movement and transformation is handled lyrically
with an insistence on grace and suppleness, animation imparts a different
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sense of the powers of the body, which is commonly linked to animal or animalized bodies.
I don’t wish to imply that cinema and animation cannot or do not overlap significantly. As is evident in recent films such as Charlotte’s Web (2006),
which use digital technologies and animatronics to construct talking animals
with suitably expressive faces, animation and cinema can overlap a good deal.
Nor do I want to imply that animation sanctions cruelty to animals or that
animation does not have its conventions for dealing with violence. Rather,
as both Sergei Eisenstein and Ōtsuka Eiji note, the inherent elasticity of the
animetic animal image imparts a sense of its invulnerability to violence done
to it. The animetic image seems to erase all traces of violence and even of
death. Animation doesn’t fret over the fragility and mortality of animals but
celebrates their apparent invulnerability and immortality (lyrically and violently) and frequently extends these qualities to human animals.
Both cinema and animation today are caught up in a paradoxical situation,
however. For instance, it should give us pause that, in an era of increasing …
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